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s="" mid-term="" elections.Agricultural production in most poor countries accounts for up to 50% of GDP, compared to only 3% in rich countries. But most farmers in poor countries grow just enough for themselves and their families. Those who try exporting to the West find their goods whacked with huge tariffs or competing against cheaper subsidized goods. In 1999 the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development concluded that for each dollar developing countries receive in aid they lose up to $ 14 just because of trade barriers imposed on the export of their manufactured goods. It's not as if the developing world wants any favours, says Uganda's Minister of Finance. “What we want is for the rich countries to let us compete.”Agriculture is one of the few areas in which the Third World can compete. Land and labour are cheap, and as fanning methods develop, new technologies should improve output. This is no pie-in-the-sky speculation. The biggest success in Kenya's economy over the past decade has been the boom in exports of cut flowers and vegetables to Europe. But that may all change in 2008, when Kenya will be slightly too rich to qualify for the “ least-developed country ” status that allows African producers to avoid paying stiff European import duties on selected agricultural products. With trade barriers in place, the horticulture industry in Kenya will shrivel as quickly as a discarded rose. And while agriculture exports remain the great hope for poor countries, reducing trade barriers in other sectors also works: American's African Growth and Opportunity Act, which cuts duties on exports of everything from handicrafts to shoes, has proven a boon to Africa's manufacturers. The lesson: the Third World can prosper if the rich world gives it a fair go.This is what makes Bush's decision to increase farm subsidies last month all the more depressing. Poor countries have long suspected that the rich world urges trade liberalization only so it can wangle its way into new markets. Such suspicions caused the Seattle trade talks to break down three years ago. But last November members of the World Trade Organization, meeting in Doha, Qatar, finally agreed to a new round of talks designed to open up global trade in agriculture and textiles. Rich countries assured poor countries that their concerns were finally being addressed. Bush's handout last month makes a lie of America's commitment to those talks and his personal devotion to free trade.1.By comparison, farmers（） receive more government subsidies than others.2.In addition to the economic considerations, there is a （） motive behind Bush's signing of the new farm bill.3.The message the writer attempts to convey throughout the passage is that （） .4.The author's attitude towards new farm subsidies in the U. S. is（）.'>
Farmers in the developing world hate price fluctuations. It makes it hard to plan ahead. But most of them have little choice: they sell at the price the market sets. Farmers in Europe, the U. S. and Japan are luckier: they receive massive government subsidies in the form of guaranteed prices or direct handouts. Last month U. S. President Bush signed a new farm bill that gives American farmers $ 190 billion over the next 10 years, or $ 83 billion more than they had been scheduled to get, and pushes U. S. agricultural support close to crazy European levels. Bush said the step is necessary to “promote farmer independence and preserve the farm way of life for generations”. It is also designed to help the Republican Party win control of the Senate in November's mid-term elections.Agricultural production in most poor countries accounts for up to 50% of GDP, compared to only 3% in rich countries. But most farmers in poor countries grow just enough for themselves and their families. Those who try exporting to the West find their goods whacked with huge tariffs or competing against cheaper subsidized goods. In 1999 the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development concluded that for each dollar developing countries receive in aid they lose up to $ 14 ju
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Definitions of “culture” are multiple, broad, and notably ambiguous. While there is no agreed-upon definition of culture, the classic definition by E. B. Tylor in 1871 is widely cited: “culture... is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” Most definitions of culture emphasize that it is complex and dynamic, comprised of the shared solutions to problems faced by the group. These solutions include technologies, beliefs, and behaviors.Culture does not determine behavior, but affords group members a repertoire of ideas and possible actions, providing the framework through which they understand themselves, their environment, and their experiences. Culture is a complex set of relationships, responses, and interpretations that must be understood, not as a body of discrete traits, but as an integrated system of orientations and practices generated within a specific socioeconomic context. Culture is ever changing and always being revised within the dynamic context of its enactment.Culture is neither a blueprint nor an identity; individuals choose between various cultural options, and in our multicultural society, many times choose widely between the options offered by a variety of cultural traditions. It is not possible to predict the beliefs and behaviors of individuals based on their race, ethnicity, or national origin. Individuals’ group membership cannot be assumed to indicate their culture because those who share a group label may variously enact culture.In its zeal to encourage respect for cultural differences, the cultural competency movement has sometimes lost sight of these important features of the concept of culture. Instead it has too often represented culture as a decontextualized set of traits providing a template for the perceptions and behaviors of group members. A burgeoning literature on cultural diversity presents the reader with veritable laundry lists of traditional beliefs and practices ostensibly characteristic of particular ethnic groups. This approach encourages the questionable notion that immigrants and certain ethnic and racial minorities are particularly driven by traditionalism. The emphasis in this genre is on difference, pitting the exotic and esoteric against mainstream or conventional beliefs that remain unnamed and unexplored.The misconception, common in clinical settings, that culture can be understood as a set of discrete traits, has led some mistakenly to treat culture as an explanatory variable, subject to prediction and control. In such applications, specific ethnic cultures are represented as a codified body of characteristics that can be identified and then either modified or manipulated to facilitate clinical goals.Paradoxically, in such approaches, what originated in a desire to promote respect for individual differences may instead promote stereotyping and essentializing. This process of reifying presumed difference may have the unintended consequence of bolstering a sense of group boundaries. It may also reinforce the belief that culture can be diagnosed and treated, that exotic or unfamiliar beliefs and behaviors of members of already disempowered subgroups should be controlled and adjusted to resemble norms of the dominant group.1.Which statement is NOT true according to this passage?2.Culture is not an identity because culture（） .3.Emphasizing cultural differences too much would （）.4.Which of the following is the author’s viewpoint?

A.Definitions of culture are usually difficult, varied and ambiguous. B.There is no agreed-upon definition of culture so far. C.There is no common ground in different definitions of culture. D.Most definitions of culture emphasize that it is complex and dynamic.
问题2：
A.does determine behavior B.does not provide possible actions C.can predict the beliefs and behaviors of individuals D.is optional and ever changing within the dynamic context
问题3：
A.help grasp the most important features of the concept of culture B.treat cultu
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Nearly all trees have seeds that fall to the earth, take root, and eventually( ).

A.generate new seeds B.new seeds generated C.generates new seeds D.new seeds are generated
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ll="" grow="" out="" of="" this="" too.Now, though, comes word that high blood pressure can be destructive even in childhood. According to a recent report in the journal Circulation, 19 of 130 children with high blood pressure developed a dangerous thickening of the heart muscle that, in adults at least, has been linked to heart failure. “No one knows if this pattern holds true for younger patients as well,” says Dr. Stephen Daniels, a pediatric cardiologist who led the study at Children s Hospital Medical Center in Cincinnati, Ohio. “But it’s worrisome.”Who’s most at risk? Boys more than girls, especially boys who are overweight. Their heart works so hard to force blood through extra layers of fat that its walls grow more dense. Then, after decades of straining, it grows too big to pump blood very well.Fortunately the abnormal, thickening can be spotted by ultrasound. And in most case, getting that blood pressure under control—through weight loss and exercise or, as a last resort, drug treatment一allows the overworked muscle to shrink to normal size.How can you tell if yours are like the 670,000 American children ages 10 to 18 with high blood pressure? It’s not the sort of thing you can catch by putting your child’s arm in a cuff at the free monitoring station in your local grocery. You should have a test done by a doctor, who will consult special tables that indicate me normal range of blood pressure for a particular child’s age, height and sex. If the doctor finds an abnormal result he will repeat the test over a period of months to make sure the reading isn’t a fake. He’ll also check, whether other conditions, like kidney disease, could be the source of the trouble. Because hypertension can be hard to detect the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute recommends annual blood-pressure checks for every child over age 3.About half the cases of hypertension stem directly from kids being overweight. And the problem is likely to grow. Over the past 30 years the proportion of children in the U. S. who are overweight has doubled, from 5% to 11 % or 4.7 million kids.You can keep your children from joining their ranks by clearing the junk food from your pantry and hooking you kids—the earlier the better一on healthy, attractive snacks like fruits (try freezing grapes or carrot sticks with salsa). Not only will they lower your children’s blood pressure:these foods will also boost their immune system and unclog their plumbing. Meanwhile, make sure your kids spend more time on the playground than with their Play-Station. Even if they don’t shed a pound, vigorous exercise will help keep their blood vessels nice and wide, lowering their blood pressure. And of course, they’ll be more likely to eat light and exercise if you set a good example.1.The word “unclog” in the last paragraph can be replaced by（） .2.By saying “It’s not the sort of thing you can catch by putting your child’s arm in a cuffat the free monitoring station in your local grocery”, the writer implies （） .3.Which of the following is not suggested by the writer to control hypertension?4.We can conclude from the passage that（）.'>
For years pediaticians didn’t worry much about treating hypertension in their patients. After all, kids grow so fast, it’s hard keeping up with their shoe size, let alone their blood pressure. Sure, hypertension in adults places them at greater risk of heart attack and stroke. But nobody likes the idea of starting youngsters on blood-pressure medicine they could wind up taking the rest of their lives. Who knows what previously unheard-of side effects could crop up after five pr six decades of daily use?The rationale has been: kids grow out of so many things, maybe they'll grow out of this too.Now, though, comes word that high blood pressure can be destructive even in childhood. According to a recent report in the journal Circulation, 19 of 130 children with high blood pressure developed a dangerous thickening of the heart muscle that, in adults at least, has been linked to heart failure. “No one knows if this pattern holds true for younge
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s="" great="" english="" dictionary="" of="" 1755,="" that="" “lexicographer”,="" his="" own="" calling,="" is="" the="" most="" famous,="" an="" example="" same="" wit="" led="" him="" to="" define="" “oats”="" as="" “a="" grain,="" which="" in="" england="" generally="" given="" horses,="" but="" scotland="" supports="" people”.Why name a language column after a harmless drudge? Because Johnson, despite the drudgery, knew that language was not harmless. Its power to inform and to lead astray, to entertain and to annoy, to build co-operation or destroy a reputation, makes language serious stuff, The Economist's “Johnson” column began in 1992 and was later revived online. This week it returns to the print edition, and henceforth will appear fortnightly.Many of the topics tackled are fun: swearing and slang, preferences and peeves. Some are more fundamental. Language reveals a lot about human nature: how people reason differently in a foreign language, or to what extent different languages encode a world view, are some of the most exciting and controversial topics in linguistic research.People care intensely about their language, and so language in the wider world sometimes comes into conflict. The perceived arrogance of Castilians to Catalan threatens to sunder Spain; “language police” in Quebec tell restaurant owners to change “pasta” and “grilled cheese” pates and fromae fondant. At the extreme, the passage of a law downgrading Russian in Ukraine helps spark war in that country ; Vladimir Putin has used it as evidence that Ukrainian nationalists are bent on wiping out Russian culture there. The war has rumbled on since, with language the most obvious symbol of wider identity and sympathy.So the Johnson column treats topics light and heavy as well as language both English and international. A language column is expected to tackle questions of right and wrong. There are roughly two views of how to do this: one top-down, based on authority, prestige, writing and stability; one bottom-up, resting on how most people actually use the language, and open to change.The two schools of thought, known as “prescriptivism”( which sets down how the language should be) and “descriptivism” ( which tells how it is ) , have often been at daggers drawn: English teachers and some usage-book writers on one side, and academic linguists, lexicographers and other usage-book writers on the other. In the caricature, prescriptivists are authoritarians with their heads in the sand, insisting on Victorian-era non-rules. The descriptivists are mocked as “anything-is-correct '', embracing every fad, even that Shakespeare should be taught in text-message-speak.An intellectual writing for an elite audience, Samuel Johnson did not shy away from “right” and “wrong”, even “barbarity”, “depravity” and “corruption”, in matters of language. But he declared his task was not to “form” but to “register” (that is, describe) the language; trying to stop change was like trying to “ lash the wind”. Above all, his years of drudging at the dictionary had taught him humility: he knew he was sure to commit “ a few wild blunders, and visible absurdities, from which no work of such multiplicity was ever free”.Prescribing is not really the opposite of describing. Lexicographers from Johnson's day on must describe the language, grounding their definitions in real living English. But that is in order to give stronger roots to a book they know people will use for firm guidance. Academic linguists, the arch-descriptivists, are perfectly willing to call some usages wrong and others plain ugly.1.Which of the following is INCORRECT about Samuel Johnson according to the passage?2.Why is language serious stuff according to the passage?3.From Para 4, the author has listed the conflicts caused by language in the following countries EXCEPT（） .4.Which of the following is NOT MENTIONED in the passage?'>
“A HARMLESS drudge.” Of the definitions in Samuel Johnson's great English dictionary of 1755, that of “lexicographer”, his own calling, is the most famous, an example of the same
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